Major New Revelations About Donald Trump's January 5 Pre-Insurrection War Council (Part III)

The mystery of the strange conclave at Trump's private residence at Trump International Hotel is unraveling—revealing new evidence about the Oath Keepers, U.S. senators likely in attendance, and more.

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{Note: This article is Part III of a three-part exposé on the pre-insurrection war council held on January 5, 2021, at Donald Trump’s private residence in Trump International Hotel in D.C. Part I of this article series can be found at this link, and you can read Part II of the series here.}

Introduction to Part III

The most chilling sentence in Ali Alexander’s chilling January 13 interview with the chillingly named Church Militant of Michigan is this one: “We [Stop the Steal] own all of [the government of] Arizona except for the Secretary of State [Katie Hobbs].”

In the interview, Alexander credits one man with ensuring that Stop the Steal could take over Arizona’s government: Arizona state representative and Oath Keeper Mark Finchem, the man Trump praised in Georgia on January 4 as a “great political leader” and who’s now one of the ring-leaders of the Cyber Ninjas’ fraudulent Arizona “audit.”

As Oath Keepers like Finchem get arrested by the dozens, and Finchem’s presence at the Capitol in a golf cart becomes national news, and Finchem faces the possibility of a state ethics investigation and there is a steady drumbeat of calls for his resignation or expulsion from not just Arizona Democrats but even journalists, it is becoming harder and harder for Finchem to find reliable allies in Phoenix. A notable exception is a fellow Arizona Republican state representative who is, like Finchem, a self-described Oath Keeper: Wendy Rogers. Rogers, who spent January 6 at a massive Stop the Steal rally in Phoenix, watched with glee on January 4 as the President of the United States name-checked her friend Mark Finchem:

Imagine, for a moment, what it would mean if federal investigators could determine that a single man met all of the following prerequisites:

• A Trump donor who attended the same January 5 war council that Arizona Stop the Steal coordinator Ali Alexander—a self-described follower of Stop the Steal founder and Wendy Rogers friend Mark Finchem—attended by phone;

• a Trump donor who had long-term associations with paramilitary groups; and

• a Trump donor whose only recurring donations in the 2016, 2018, and 2020 election cycles were to four persons or entities: Donald Trump; this particular donor’s state Republican Party; the National Republican Senatorial Committee; and Wendy Rogers.

One imagines this would be such an incredible find—putting in Trump International Hotel on Insurrection Eve a man with direct and indirect associations to Stop the Steal in Arizona, the Arizona Oath Keepers, other paramilitary organizations present at the Capitol on January 6, the Arizona Proud Boys, and an insurrectionist leader (Finchem) publicly lauded by the president 36 hours before an insurrection he participated in.

Imagine if the FBI had the name of a Trump donor fitting this very specific description.

Doyle Beck

Given Doyle Beck’s startlingly bare-knuckled political career in Idaho, it’s amazing to think that he had the time to focus with such intensity on helping to fund the political ambitions of an out-of-state Oath Keeper (Wendy Rogers) closely associated with an insurrectionist leader (Mark Finchem) who was (a) also an Oath Keeper, and (b) on the radar of the American president in the hours before an armed insurrection, but Proof will give credit where it’s due—Doyle Beck put in the work to advance the career of a well-connected Oath Keeper and Stop the Steal fanatic. And Rogers isn’t a mere peon in the Oath Keepers—she calls herself a “charter member” of the extremist group.

Besides Doyle Beck’s exceedingly modest donations to Trump House ally Devin Nunes of California, Beck’s donation profile shows no donations to any other person in Rogers’ category—a non-Idaho-or-Utah politician running for a position other than one in the United States Senate. That Rogers’ Twitter account explicitly underscores her almost worshipful support for Sidney Powell, who Michael Lindell has averred on camera was (like Doyle Beck) at Trump International Hotel on January 5 is also worthy of note.

It isn’t just Oath Keepers with whom Beck has political associations. He is also linked to the Three Percenters, another militia group that played a critical role in the assault on the Capitol on January 6 and is a significant threat to democratic processes in Idaho.

As the Idaho Statesman reports,

Militia groups and extremist ideologies are slinking from the political fringe onto the ballot in Idaho, where far-right groups have used the coronavirus pandemic and protests for racial justice as a vehicle to amplify their movement. Extremist groups have gained ground in all levels of state leadership, several progressive advocates from Coeur d’Alene and Sandpoint told the Statesman. From precinct chairs to the state’s lieutenant governor, some leaders in Idaho city, county, and state government affiliate or sympathize with the American Redoubt and militia movements. Some [Idaho'] residents fear dire consequences [from this].

…

Through interviews, acquired emails and letters, and a review of social media profiles, the Statesman determined that there are a variety of elected Idaho officials with ties to groups like the Three Percenters, the Oath Keepers and the American Redoubt movement. Tom Luna, chairman of the Idaho Republican Party, did not respond to requests for comment, nor did many elected officials whose ties to militia groups or extremist ideologies are mentioned in this story.

The Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters are two core components of the modern militia movement, an extremist movement with roots in anti-government organizing, conspiracy theories, and white supremacy. The American Redoubt movement is a far-right political migration movement that advocates for Idaho, Montana, Wyoming and eastern regions of Washington and Oregon to serve as an autonomous stronghold of religious conservatism once civil war engulfs the United States.

Critically for the purposes of any assessment of Doyle Beck’s political activities, the Statesman identified Idaho Lieutenant Governor Janice McGeachin as a focus of its study of extremist groups that have recently infiltrating the Idaho Republican Party:

Lt. Gov. Janice McGeachin has employed security details with Three Percenter affiliations, the Post Register reported in 2019. McGeachin was also photographed in 2019 posing with two men who held up the “OK” symbol. The symbol has ties to the white power movement, but the people holding up the symbols said it represented the Three Percenters.

The Spokane Spokesman-Review reports that, in the first months of Trump’s presidency, Doyle Beck co-sponsored, with McGeachin, a proposal that would “bring back the Idaho Republican Party’s former requirement that all Republican candidates declare their commitment to upholding every plank of the state party platform, or specify where they disagree.” The proposal was considered so radical it was ultimately voted down by the IRP, one of the most conservative state GOPs in America. Indeed, the IRP platform is already so radical that, per the Spokesman-Review, it “includes such planks as supporting abolishing the Federal Reserve and returning to the gold standard; calling on the governor and Legislature to nullify federal laws it [the IRP] deems unconstitutional; and calling for repeal of the 17th Amendment, which authorized direct election of U.S. senators, rather than appointment by state legislatures.”

{Note: Stripping power and rights from individual U.S. voters and giving them, instead, to state legislatures the GOP is confident it will perpetually control is a core “principle” for pro-Trump insurrectionists, who aim to enshrine it in law via hundreds of “election integrity” bills now being proposed nationwide.}

The smear campaign Beck and two other men ran against Idaho politician Steve Yates in spring 2018—see the description of this shameful episode below—was intended to aid the candidacy for Lieutenant Governor of none other than noted Three Percenter ally Janice McGeachin.

And Beck’s smear campaign against Yates worked. McGeachin defeated Yates by 1.6% in the 2018 GOP primary.

Doyle Beck’s Social Media: Redux

After the insurrection, insurrectionists like Alexander, Finchem, Rogers, Beck, Alex Jones, and Roger Stone were in lock-step as to who was responsible for the violence and mayhem at the Capitol on January 6: antifa. And they couldn’t stop themselves from making this false claim incessantly on social media.

Beck’s Facebook Feed: a Pre-Insurrection, January 6, and Post-Insurrection Timeline (Continued)

On January 7, Doyle Beck posted on Facebook that not only had he voted in an online poll at the National Republican Reporting website to register his view that “Antifa was most at fault for the attack on the Capitol bulding”, he felt compelled to go still further and bear false witness against his neighbor: “I was there [NB: whether Beck means in D.C. generally or at the Capitol specifically is unclear], [and] this [the violent insurrectionists] was [sic] not the trump [sic] supporters I rubbed shoulders with!!!”

Given that Doyle Beck appears to have been at Trump’s speech at the White House Ellipse, he may be referring to the crowd that gathered to hear Trump speak there—though if Beck was in the VIP section of that event with his son Daniel, he was even more likely to be surrounded by avowed insurrectionists than anyone standing in the crowd proper (as the VIP section included Oath Keeper conspiracy member Jessica Watkins as well as insurrectionists Patrick Byrne, Rep. Lauren Boebert of Colorado, Michael Flynn, and the aforementioned Alexander, Jones, and Lindell).

On January 14, Doyle Beck shared an “end times” meme that claimed the world would soon end, with only religious Christians (indeed, perhaps only Mormons) being saved.

On January 16, Beck linked on Facebook to a 1961 speech about Communism by Ezra Taft Benson that includes quotes dubiously attributed (without citation) to the Soviet Commissar of Education Anatoly Lunacharsky: “We must hate Christians and Christianity. Even the best of them must be considered our worst enemies. Christian love is an obstacle to the development of the revolution. Down with love for one’s neighbor. What we want is hate. Only then shall we conquer the universe.” Recall that Communism is associated with Venezuela, China, Cuba, and Russia—four of the five nations (the fifth being Iran) Beck’s Facebook-linked sources accuse of stealing the 2020 election for Biden. Remember, too, that Beck and those of his mindset equate the Democratic Party’s alleged “socialism” with a hatred of both Christianity and God.

Beck’s anti-Communist screeds on Facebook—and his appallingly counterfactual equation of a small minority of Democrats who are European-style social democrats with the idea of the Democratic Party writ large being a Trojan Horse for a wholly distinct paradigm of governance, Communism—is also significant because it helps explain Doyle Beck’s longtime support of Sen. Ted Cruz (R-TX), an anti-Communist crusader-without-a-cause (Cruz sees Communism in places it doesn’t exist to keep a politically fecund metanarrative alive). As recently as the day before this article was published, Cruz was on Twitter railing against Communism in true Beckian fashion, tweeting the latter’s signature canard—the juxtaposition of the American left with the Soviet Communist Party—at MSNBC host Brian Williams. Cruz writes,

I hate communists, my family was imprisoned and tortured by communists, and Brian [Williams] is a shameless apologist for Russian (and Chinese and Cuban) communists. I was arguing [via my recent tweet that included a Kremlin propaganda video] that our military needs to be able to kick the ass of Russian soldiers. It’s Brian and his lefty comrades [at MSNBC] that are working relentlessly to diminish the effectiveness of the U.S. military—the finest fighting force on the face of the planet.

…

Congrats, Brian, you are Pravda [the former official newspaper of the Communist Party].

But the story of Beck and Cruz goes beyond their exhibition of identical pathologies.

Doyle Beck and Ted Cruz

During the 2016 Republican presidential primary, Cruz won just eleven states, one of which was the one in which Doyle Beck remains a leading GOP official: Idaho. In the summer of 2016, the Idaho Republican Party sent 20 Cruz delegates to the Republican National Convention in Cleveland, and just 12 Trump delegates. Doyle Beck was among the Cruz delegates, while his good friend Layne Bangerter—who, like Beck, has significant ties to Brazil, and would later attend, with Beck, the Trump war council at Trump International Hotel on January 5—was a Trump delegate.

Reporting on the convention, Boise State University professor Corey Cook told the Spokane Spokesman-Review that “From what I’ve gathered so far, the Idaho delegation is uniquely congenial [as] between the Cruz and Trump delegates” (emphasis supplied).

This was good news for Trump, given that Cruz delegates like Doyle Beck had given generously to the effort to defeat him. During the 2016 Republican primary, Beck made seven donations to Cruz totaling thousands of dollars, also giving nominal amounts in 2015—in a clear sign that, at the time, Beck really didn’t favor Trump as the Republican Party nominee—to long-shot candidates like neurosurgeon Ben Carson and eccentric senator Rand Paul (R-KY). {Note: This may be a good place to add that Oath Keeper founder Stewart Rhodes once worked for Rand’s father, former Texas GOP representative Ron Paul.}

Beck would give no money to Donald Trump until after Trump received the 2016 GOP nomination, at that point (on August 30, 2016) donating a whopping $100,000 to the Trump Victory PAC, perhaps to make up somewhat for his ardent support of Cruz’s campaign. More oddly, Beck would give Trump $30,000 on Election Day in 2016, at a time the cash could only have been a goodwill gesture toward the new president-elect.

During the 2018 election cycle, Beck donated to Trump four times ($1,750 in total) but again focused some of his largesse on Cruz, who was then running for re-election to the U.S. Senate against Rep. Beto O’Rourke (D-TX). In two donations, Beck gave Cruz $1,000. Notably, Beck gave even more ($1,500) to Gov. Rick Scott, then running for the Senate, and even more ($5,400) to Sen. John Kennedy (R-LA). Beck also donated to top Trump ally Rep. Devin Nunes (R-CA).

During the 2020 election cycle, Doyle Beck again donated to Trump ($1,800 in total) and Nunes ($1,000), but now added minuscule—under $500—personal donations to both Sen. Mitch McConnell (R-KY) and Sen. Mike Lee (R-UT).

It is unclear what (if any) other political donations Doyle Beck may have made in 2016, 2018, or 2020 through publicly held corporations, shell corporations, various family members, or friends to whom he had loaned money. What is clear is that Beck has been investigated for using such illegal schemes, and indeed was eventually charged with a crime along these lines—one for which he faced up to six months of imprisonment.

Doyle Beck’s run-ins with the law don’t end there.

At one point he was charged with a misdemeanor for hunting using a helicopter. The charges were later dropped for reasons that remain unclear, with a county prosecutor accepting a fine without conviction—paid via bond rather than as a post-conviction penalty.

The Idaho Falls Post-Register notes that “In 2017 Doyle Beck’s son, Daniel Beck, was found to have committed a campaign finance violation after his father flew into an Emotion Bowl game with a sign that read ‘Dan Beck for City Council.’ The Idaho Falls City Attorney’s Office determined Daniel Beck should have listed the flight on his [campaign] disclosure report. Daniel Beck did not file an amended disclosure report, but the city did not take any further action.”

Doyle Beck has also been caught secretly recording fellow Idaho Republicans as part of a bizarre effort to prove the existence of a fanciful “secret society” in Idaho politics.

Most tellingly, perhaps, Doyle Beck was behind a deranged smear campaign against a candidate for Lieutenant Governor of Idaho. Via anonymous fliers, he and two other men claimed that candidate Steve Yates was not only a registered foreign agent but was taking money illegally from foreign nationals. {Note: Yates had worked with the Taiwanese government, but Beck accused him of being a Chinese agent—which if you know even a high-school level of geopolitics is embarrassing for a man of Beck’s supposed erudition.} The smear campaign underscored Beck’s willingness to engage in devious campaign shenanigans, and to do so on behalf of an infamous militia ally (Janice McGeachin). Moreover, it echoed—and preceded by only months—the identical and equally false claims about illegal funds coming from China that Trump leveled against Joe Biden.

After Biden’s landslide election victory in November of 2020, the three U.S. senators Beck had given the most money to from 2016 onward—Cruz, Kennedy, and Scott—all voted to challenge the certification of that victory on January 6. Of the approximately $190,000 Beck personally gave to Republicans from the 2016 election cycle onward, about 70% went to Trump and another 5% to the three insurrectionists who supported Trump’s would-be coup. Of the final 25% of Beck’s donations since 2016, half went to politicians from Idaho or Beck’s home state of Utah (8% to Idahoans, 4% to Utahns).

At late as March 2019, Beck was coordinating a speech by “Christian nationalist” David Barton for the Bonneville County Republican Party. Barton ran Keep the Promise PAC, one of the critical financial engines of Ted Cruz’s failed 2016 presidential campaign. Barton has long been a particular favorite and close associate of far-right propagandist Glenn Beck, who Cruz retweeted on both January 3 and January 4, 2021.

{Note: Proof has screenshots of Cruz retweeting Glenn Beck, but they have been elided from this article to keep it under Substack’s memory limit. Glenn Beck does not appear to be related to Doyle Beck. Like Doyle Beck and his family, Beck is a Mormon, albeit through conversion. In the 2010s, David Barton was a featured speaker on Beck’s American Revival national tour.}

Insurrection Eve

Ted Cruz is now universally believed to be planning to run for President of the United States in 2024 if Trump doesn’t run, which means he’ll be looking back to his 2016 presidential campaign supporters—particularly those in the eleven states he carried—to see if they’ll still be with him should he find that his years of Trumpist sycophancy have given him a narrow window to give the White House another shot. Doyle Beck presently resents as a prime candidate for Ted Cruz’s 2024 vanguard within the party.

By January 4, 2021, Ted Cruz was leading the group of U.S. senators planning to object to the certification of Biden’s landslide election victory. Cruz’s group was calling for a “ten-day” delay in the certification, which is precisely the demand made by Trump attorney Rudy Giuliani (another January 5 war council attendee) during his “let’s have trial by combat” speech at the White House Ellipse on January 6. It was also the plan described by Michael Lindell (yet another January 5 war council attendee) during his early-morning Facebook livestream on January 6, and one recorded later the same day.

In the evening of January 5, as the Trump International Hotel war council was starting, Cruz retweeted a report by the Washington Post confirming that he’d be challenging the Biden electors from Arizona. {Note: The screenshot below was captured via an 11:45PM screenshot by Wayback Machine on January 5, 2021}.

After the insurrection, Cruz was one of just seven GOP senators (of an original group of eleven) who contested Pennsylvania’s Biden electors. It has long been presumed that all three of the U.S. senators who attended Trump’s January 6 war council were in this latter group of hardcore insurrectionists—and indeed, Sen. Tommy Tuberville (R-AL), who now admits he attended the meeting at Trump International, was in that group.

On the morning of January 6, Cruz retweeted a tweet by Tuberville that Tuberville sent on January 5, either while he was at Trump International or shortly after. {Note: The image below was captured via an 8AM screenshot by Wayback Machine on January 6, 2021}.

It is telling that, either while he was still at Trump International or not long after he left, Tuberville would only publicly confirm one other senator who would be joining him in Trump’s attempted coup: Cruz. One imagines Tuberville wouldn’t have used Cruz’s name in this way without speaking to the Texas senator first, something he certainly could have easily done if he’d just spent hours with Cruz in Trump’s private residence at Trump International.

Notably, Tuberville does not mention Sen. Josh Hawley (R-MO), Cruz’s co-organizer in opposing the certification of Biden’s victory. The reason for this now seems clear: as Hawley infamously tweeted under 18 hours before the Trump International meeting, his Virginia residence—at the time occupied by his wife and newborn child while he was in Missouri—had just come under the “threat” of “leftwing violence” by “Antifa scumbags” who also “vandalized” his property and specifically “threatened [his] wife and newborn daughter.” Why should we now care about this since-debunked account regarding events that purportedly occurred on January 4? Because on the basis of this incident it would be unsurprising if, out of concern (real or dramatized) for his family’s safety, Hawley wasn’t able to make it to Trump International when he arrived in D.C. This might explain Tuberville not mentioning Hawley after he announced, in seeming synchronicity with the war council, that he’d be objecting to several slates of Joe Biden electors with Cruz.

Conclusion

Doyle Beck is a Ted Cruz supporter who reluctantly backed Donald Trump. He was a Cruz delegate from one of the few states Cruz won in 2016. He continued supporting Cruz financially after 2016, and there is no reason to believe he ceased doing in 2020, as he publicly supported an insurrectionist scheme led not just by Trump but Cruz. Tommy Tuberville, one of three senators known to have been at Trump International on January 5, announced he’d be joining Cruz’s effort while at Trump International with Doyle Beck, with Tuberville mentioning no other senator involved in the scheme. Cruz’s anti-Communist rhetoric is in line with Doyle Beck’s.

Beyond this, Doyle Beck’s ongoing financial and political support for key paramilitary members and their allies may help explain—along with his years-long political and financial ties to Cruz—why he was at Trump International Hotel on January 5. Federal investigators and the media must determine, given the participation in the war council by a Proud Boy liaison, Ali Alexander, whether at that meeting Beck was one of those capable of acting as a liaison to the other paramilitary units Trump ultimately relied upon on Insurrection Day: the Oath Keepers and the Three Percenters, who (if Beck was not in contact with them in early January 2021) otherwise had no representation in Trump’s inner circle other than Roger Stone, who, as detailed at Proof, mysteriously avoided all public events on January 6, and was known to be at an event in Freedom Plaza (as opposed to nearby Trump International Hotel) on the evening of January 5.

Doyle Beck has been photographed with Trump—as have thousands, of course—so federal investigators and media must determine whether Beck was admitted to the most exclusive Trump political meeting of Trump’s political career due to ties to Ted Cruz or ties to Trump himself. More investigation of the Becks’ ties to the Bolsonaros and Txtwire—a concern ostensibly run by Doyle’s son that could just as easily be under Doyle’s partial control—is needed, as not just mass text-messaging capabilities but familiarity with South American geopolitics was apparently critical to the scheme discussed by Trump’s inner circle at Trump International Hotel on January 5.

Does the possibility exist that the Becks randomly wandered into the most seditious and exclusive Trump political strategy session of Trump’s political career, held in Trump’s most expensive property, despite having no significant ties to Trump or any of the U.S. senators present (as did every other person in attendance)? Sure. Many things can be possible without being probable or even plausible. In the absence of the Becks having any noteworthy ties to anyone in Trump’s private residence on January 5 other than a foreign guest (Eduardo Bolsonaro) whose visit to the United States was—all parties agree—a “surprise visit” even the Brazilian Ministry of Foreign Affairs didn’t know about in advance, the clearest explanation for the Beck family’s otherwise inexplicable admission to the January 5 war council is that they were reliable longtime allies of one of the two U.S. senators present that evening whose name we don’t yet know. Ted Cruz is far and away the most likely candidate to be one of the two senators in question.

Doyle Beck’s donation history also suggests the possibility that the third senator in attendance that evening was the noted insurrectionist John Kennedy of Louisiana, for whom Beck has shown an unusual affinity. Public statements made by Ron Johnson of Wisconsin of course make him another top candidate for this third January 5 senatorial “slot”; Johnson’s participation in Trump’s election-theft scheme involving Ukraine is extensively detailed in my book Proof of Corruption (Macmillan, 2020).

Doyle Beck may well be key to unraveling the mystery of January 5—and January 6.

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