Solving the Biggest Mystery of January 6

Unraveling contacts between the White House and three Stop the Steal coordinators is the key to the House managers' case. But it's not clear if anyone is looking into it.


If you’ve been reading Proof, you know that all of the following is well established by major-media reports and video evidence:

  1. Ali Alexander claims he spoke to Kimberly Guilfoyle on January 5, at a time we know Guilfoyle was in Trump’s private residence at Trump International Hotel with Trump’s top allies, advisers, donors, and his attorney Rudy Giuliani.

  2. As of January 6, both Alexander and his Stop the Steal co-organizer Alex Jones believed that Trump was going to speak at the Stop the Steal event outside the Capitol (near its front steps) on January 6—a speech that would have come after Trump finished speaking at the Ellipse.

  3. Jones claims the White House told him on January 3 that Trump would appear at the Stop the Steal stage at the front of the Capitol—and he did not vary from that story until it became clear in the mid-afternoon of January 6 that Trump was not coming. Jones told this story to his fans, to the police, and to anyone who’d listen.

  4. Trump had in fact been told days before January 6 that the Secret Service would not let him go to the Capitol on that date.

  5. Therefore, the White House lied to Alex Jones. And Kimberly Guilfoyle, who is the girlfriend of Trump’s son—and within the Trumps’ circle of trust—declined to disabuse Alexander, on January 5, of his belief that Trump was going to go to the Capitol on January 6.

The Mystery

So Team Trump wanted Stop the Steal to tell the mob on January 6 that Trump was going to the Capitol, even though Team Trump knew that wasn’t true. And Trump told the mob directly that he was going to the Capitol during his January 6 speech, even though he knew that wasn’t true. And the result of these actions is that the Stop the Steal organizers of the March to Save America implicitly told tens of thousands of people that it was okay to trespass on the Capitol grounds because Trump would be joining them there. In other words, it was lies by Team Trump, including those very close to him and possibly the man himself, that not only brought the mob to D.C. but got the mob to trespass on the Capitol grounds.

We have no idea if the FBI has spoken to Kimberly Guilfoyle, and Ali Alexander is currently in hiding. Meanwhile, we know that the third Stop the Steal organizer, Roger Stone, somehow had enough concern about the march that after raising money for “protective equipment” for the Proud Boys and Oath Keepers who would on January 6 be marching to the Capitol, Stone declined (after being asked, he said, though he does not say by whom) to lead the march. And indeed he never went to the Capitol.

This leaves open the distinct possibility that Stone knew, perhaps even from Trump himself—the two men speak by phone regularly—that Trump was lying to the Stop the Steal organizers in order to swell and encourage and embolden the mob that he knew would head to the Capitol on January 6.

This would explain the now-ubiquitous, universal major-media reporting confirming that Trump was thrilled as he watched the insurrection from the White House.

Why does all this matter? Because we learned during Day 1 of the impeachment trial that a part of Trump’s defense will be that the breach of the Capitol was pre-planned. But now we have evidence that Team Trump was part of that planning—through both lies, omissions, and disinformation about Trump’s January 6 movements. Do the House managers have sufficient information in their hands to make this argument? I hope so.

The Twist

On the evening of Day 1 of Trump’s second impeachment trial, the director of Jason Rink’s Stop the Steal documentary, Paul Escandon—the documentary is simply called “The Steal”—contacted this writer to say that in fact the Stop the Steal organizers never believed Trump was coming to their event at the Capitol (see tweets below). So now we have a battle of potential federal witnesses: Paul Escandon says one thing, Alex Jones and Ali Alexander seem to say another, and two witnesses who could clarify things—Roger Stone and Kimberly Guilfoyle—are not, it seems, in contact with the FBI. So what’s going on here, exactly? This is the key mystery in the federal case of the century and it’s not clear that anyone is tracking down answers.

The Videos

Below are the relevant videos of Alex Jones and Ali Alexander confirming, it seems, their belief about what was going to happen on January 6—that is, that Trump was indeed coming to the Capitol—as late as 2PM on that day. It’s well worth watching both videos, as from an investigative standpoint they may actually be more relevant to the matter of Trump’s guilt (if less violent) than any videos the House managers plan to show the Senate during Trump’s historic second impeachment trial. Remember that Alex Jones wasn’t just making this claim about Trump’s appearance at the Capitol on January 6; as previously revealed by Proof, Jones has publicly claimed that the “White House” told him three days before Insurrection Day that Trump was going to the Capitol.

Here are the videos House managers and the FBI need to be investigating, and quickly:


Needless to say, the nine House managers don’t want to get out over their skis in the presentation of their case. That’s admirable and understandable. But here’s the problem they face: Trump’s defense team will say that he and his political team had nothing to do with the events of January 6 besides showing up on the day at the Ellipse for a single, discrete event. Sure, the managers can and will point out that Trump helped advertise the Ellipse event, and sure, the event was scheduled to end in a march to the Capitol, but how do the managers establish that in fact Trump and his team were integral to emboldening Trump voters not just to come to DC, not just to march on the Capitol, but to trespass on the Capitol grounds and then, when confronted by law enforcement there, tell them that the president had given them license to be there? Is it enough to let Trump’s defense team leave the false impression that Trump had no role in what transpired at the Capitol itself—or is it important to show that he tried to micro-manage that part of the insurrection as well? I would, and do, suggest the latter.