Two United States Senators Were in Direct Telephone Contact with Now-in-Hiding Domestic Terror Leader Ali Alexander on Insurrection Eve
A tranche of texts between Alexander and an insurrectionist Arizona politician reveals new bombshells, including the location of the insurrectionists' war room on January 6—just 240 feet from Trump's.
A large tranche of text communications between Arizona state representative Mark Finchem and domestic terror leader Ali Alexander, the latter of whom is presently in hiding from federal authorities, reveal that Alexander was in direct telephone contact with multiple United States senators on January 5, 2021—just 24 hours before what former United States Capitol Police chief Steven Sund has now called “a coordinated violent attack on the United States Capitol by thousands of well-equipped armed insurrectionists” and “a coordinated military style attack involving thousands.”1
Alexander, the leader of the Stop the Steal “movement,” coordinated the events that produced the January 6 attack after repeatedly threatening violence against the U.S. government in December 2020 and in the days immediately preceding January 6. Among Alexander’s public threats from December 2020 and January 2021 are these:
“I pray that I am the tool to stab these motherfuckers [in the U.S. government].”
“When I do unleash [my] plan, I will unleash a legion of angels to bring hell to my enemies.”
“One of our [Stop the Steal] organizers in one state said, ‘We’re nice patriots, we don’t throw bricks.’ I leaned over [to him] and I said, ‘Not yet. Not yet!’
Alexander is also on video leading a chant of “Victory or death!” in Freedom Plaza in Washington on Insurrection Eve.
While it was previously known, from reporting in the Washington Post, that Alexander says he conspired with three top Trump congressional allies pre-insurrection—Reps. Paul Gosar (R-AZ), Andy Biggs (R-AZ), and Mo Brooks (R-AL), the last of whom was among the speakers who joined Donald Trump at the Stop the Steal event at the White House Ellipse on January 6, and is now running for the United States Senate on the strength of an early endorsement by Trump—and while it was likewise previously known that Alexander was in telephone contact with then-presidential adviser and current Donald Trump Jr. girlfriend Kimberly Guilfoyle on Insurrection Eve, the domestic terror leader’s contact with multiple still-sitting U.S. senators has not been widely disclosed until now.
The Text Messages
While modest in size, the Alexander-Finchem text-message tranche is large enough that it contains a number of bombshells—each of which should be considered major breaking news. All of these bombshells are covered in this article, beginning with the one referenced in the headline above. For more information on Finchem, including his connections to the Oath Keepers, Proud Boys, and Arizona’s Stop the Steal movement, see prior Proof reporting here, here, here, and here. Four bombshells about Finchem, these three entities, the Trump White House, and the January 6 insurrection follow.
(1) Alexander Was in Contact with Senators on Insurrection Eve
In a conversation with Finchem that began at 12:34PM on January 5, Alexander urges Finchem to immediately send him a document confirming that a large number of GOP state representatives in Arizona would be willing to de-certify Biden’s Arizona electors and certify a new slate of (per experts, presumptively fraudulent and unconstitutional) Trump electors. Alexander refers to this document, in texting Finchem, as “the letter your members [fellow GOP legislators in Arizona] signed re[garding an] alternate slate of [Trump] electors.”
When Finchem agrees to send the document, Alexander replies, “Thanks. A couple of senators have asked for it.” When Finchem notes that the document he has readily available isn’t the one with the signatures on it, but a pre-signed version, Alexander says he needs the signed copy “ASAP”, repeating, “I need it for [the] senators.” Lest Finchem have any doubt that someone with Alexander’s background—including two prior felony convictions—would enjoy direct access to sitting United States senators at such a grave moment in America’s history, Alexander confirms that he personally “just got [t]he calls from the senators [about the Arizona document].”
The timing of this communication is critical, as it came just before three U.S. senators—Tommy Tuberville (R-AL) and two others, one of whom is believed to be, based on the evidence available, Ted Cruz (R-TX)—appeared at Trump International Hotel to participate in the 23-person Trump war council that was just about to begin there. It was during this war council, which was attended by Kimberly Guilfoyle among at least 22 others, that Alexander spoke by phone with Guilfoyle.
The revelation that Alexander was in contact with House Republicans, the Trump campaign, and Senate Republicans in the hours before an armed attack on the U.S. Capitol confirms that the bureaucratic separation once believed to exist between the “administrative” and “paramilitary” sides of Team Trump’s scheme for January 6 was, in fact, illusory. Recent Proof reporting—see here and here—already confirms that the Stop the Steal group had ready access to the self-described “war room” Trump’s legal team had erected at the Willard InterContinental Hotel in D.C., and that at least one insurrectionist linked to both Stop the Steal and attempts to incite the Trumpist mob on Insurrection Eve, Owen Shroyer, appears to have been (per photos posted to Instagram by Robert Hyde, see below) inside Trump’s Willard Hotel war room itself.
(2) The Insurrectionists’ HQ Was Under 250 Feet from Trump’s
While proximity is not complicity, it is significant, as discussed in more detail below, that the Alexander-Finchem texts establish the JW Marriott Hotel in Washington at the base of operations for Stop the Steal on January 5 and January 6—especially given the location of Trump’s own base of operations on that date, the Willard Hotel. The two maps below show the relative locations of these two hotels and the White House:
As has already been fully sourced by Proof—see the links above for prior reporting—Stop the Steal co-organizer Roger Stone stayed at the Willard Hotel on January 5 and January 6; Stop the Steal co-organizer Alex Jones interviewed former Trump National Security Advisor Michael Flynn at the Willard Hotel on January 5; Jones’ InfoWars employee Owen Shroyer appears to have been inside Trump’s Willard Hotel war room on January 6 at a minimum; Rally for Revival VIPs Christina Engelstad, Kristin Davis, and Sal Greco were all staying at the Willard Hotel, the latter two in Stone’s suite; and Davis claims that, in addition to the six subsequently arrested Oath Keepers who were guarding Stone at the Willard Hotel, “literally fifty” people connected with the events of January 5 and January 6 hung out with Stone and Greco at the hotel—none of whom have yet been identified.
We now know that, a maximum of 240 feet away—the walking distance from the center of one hotel to the center of the other—the third chief Stop the Steal co-organizer, Ali Alexander, was staying with Finchem, Stop the Steal lieutenant Michael Coudrey, and enough others from the Stop the Steal movement that Alexander reserved a block of rooms under a business account. This suggests that a significant amount of foot traffic between the Willard and the JW Marriott may have occurred during the insurrection.
As the text exchanges below confirm, not only did Finchem stay (contra a prior report from the Arizona Republic) at the JW Marriott rather than the Willard, he did so on the dime of Stop the Steal:
Indeed, Stop the Steal didn’t merely pay for the Arizona politician’s room after the fact, but arranged it on the front end, and intimated in doing so that it may have done something similar when Finchem went to D.C. for a Stop the Steal rally in December (during which rally, as Proof has reported, Stop the Steal co-organizer Alex Jones did stay at the Willard Hotel, as did the top brass from Women for America First, a pro-Trump domestic extremist group that would later sponsor the events of January 6).
But it’s not merely the connections above that link the Willard and the JW Marriott, but something even more significant to the ongoing FBI probe of the January 6 attack.
(3) Top Insurrectionists Were Familiar with Key Operational Details Specific to the Willard Hotel, As Opposed to the JW Marriott
As has been established in both federal indictments and Proof reporting, the Stop the Steal “movement” was keeping golf carts at the Willard Hotel for use in ferrying Stone and others to various locations during January 5 and January 6 Stop the Steal rallies. The golf carts were ultimately used, on January 6, to bring Oath Keeper leaders from the Willard to the Capitol as the attack on America’s seat of government was ongoing.
As the Capitol was under attack on January 6, Finchem—who had been staying at the JW Marriott, not the Willard—wrote to both Ali Alexander and Alexander’s lieutenant Michael Coudrey that “I’m on one of the golf carts headed your way [the Capitol].”
At least four things can be taken from this message and the manner in which it was written: (1) at some point Mark Finchem went from the hotel he was staying at (the JW Marriott) to the Willard, where Team Trump’s war room was, making him at least the third Stop the Steal leader (Alexander has credited him with being the man who “started” the Stop the Steal movement in Arizona) to go inside the D.C. hotel where Trump’s comms center was; (2) Finchem met with the same Oath Keepers inside the Willard who had been guarding Stone (as only one golf-cart ride from the Willard to the Capitol is known to have occurred at the time referenced in the federal indictment against Oath Keepers Roberto Minuta and Joshua James), increasing substantially the odds that Finchem was one of the “literally fifty” people that Roger Stone and Sal Greco were “hang[ing] out with” at the Willard while Trump lawyers Rudy Giuliani and John Eastman were in Trump’s “war room” there; (3) Finchem, who describes himself as an Oath Keeper, was sufficiently aware of the Oath Keepers’ operational plans for January 5 and January 6 that when he needed to get to the Capitol quickly he went to the Willard and made immediate contact with the Oath Keepers there; and (4) both Alexander and Coudrey were sufficiently aware of the Oath Keepers’ January operational details that Finchem could say “one of the golf carts” and no more and know that he would be immediately understood by other Stop the Steal leaders (in fact, the use of golf carts in downtown D.C. was so extraordinary that it could not have been blithely cited to anyone who didn’t have some foreknowledge of the possibility).
What all of this suggests, as Proof has noted before, is that the lieutenant of another Stop the Steal leader, Alex Jones—the lieutenant in question being Owen Shroyer—could not have been the only person from the Stop the Steal apparatus to be aware of Trump’s Willard Hotel “war room,” and in fact if Shroyer was there (as he appears to have been) on January 6, the odds that other insurrectionist Stop the Steal leaders and lieutenants were in and out of Trump’s ops center on Insurrection Day are very high.
(4) The Rally for Revival “VIP Tent” Is a Key Insurrection Location
In one of the Finchem-Alexander-Coudrey texts, Finchem references “the folks that were in the VIP tent yesterday [January 5].” This is a clear reference to the Rally for Revival, a Stop the Steal event held at Freedom Plaza at which Alexander, Stone, Jones, Flynn, and Finchem all spoke. Given how many of these and other speakers used the phrase “we the people” during their speeches to suggest that Trump’s America First movement is egalitarian and grassroots-oriented, one might have assumed that the event would not have a “VIP tent,” but apparently it did—and presumably it did its job separating poor, working-class, and middle-class Trumpists from the wealthy and influential leaders of the ex-president’s purportedly blue-collar populist “movement.”
With the revelation that the insurrectionist speakers for the Rally for Revival—a list that included, in addition to those mentioned above, George Papadopoulos, Rogan O’Handley (who was at the White House right before he spoke), Joe Flynn, and many others—congregated in a separate area during the event to speak amongst themselves (and with any guests they may have brought with them whose names we don’t know), a new front in the January 6 investigation is opened. Who did Owen Shroyer, who spoke at the rally, speak to in the VIP tent a mere 16 hours before he was spotted in Trump’s Insurrection Day war room? Was anyone else who was in the VIP tent also in the suite of Willard Hotel offices aimed at, per Trump lawyer Eastman, “coordinating all of the communications” relevant to Trump during the attack on the Capitol? The questions raised by the existence of a special area for insurrectionist leaders to congregate on Insurrection Eve number in the hundreds, so this takeaway from Mark Finchem’s texts should only be viewed as a placeholder for many, many future inquiries on this issue.
Ali Alexander must be found and arrested. It is now clear that he not only incited the events of January 6—despite later insisting, of the events at the Capitol, in a video taken by Michael Coudrey, “I don’t disavow this, I do not denounce this”—but also that he was in direct contact with members of both houses of Congress and the Trump campaign (which he says he was texting with from the Capitol) on both Insurrection Eve and Insurrection Day.
Candidly, it is impossible for this former criminal investigator in the federal criminal justice system to understand how Ali Alexander remains on the run from federal law enforcement at a time when Trump himself is under investigation for incitement by the D.C. Attorney General, Mo Brooks has just been served with a subpoena in a civil lawsuit over the insurrection, and even a broken, stalemated chamber of Congress has just released a report alleging mismanagement at nearly every level of the federal government in the run-up to January 6.
Why is Alexander not being questioned by the FBI at this very moment, given that he has claimed in interviews with Alex Jones (whether accurately or not, only time will tell) that he is perfectly willing to speak to the Bureau? If the news that Alexander was not only (1) “scheming” with GOP House members in December 2020 and January 2021, (2) part of a mysterious DHS conference call on December 21, (3) on the phone with a top Trump adviser on Insurrection Eve, (4) texting with the Trump campaign from the site of an armed rebellion against the government of the United States, but also (5) coordinating a coup with multiple sitting U.S. senators on the eve of the said insurrection isn’t enough to get the FBI to launch a nationwide manhunt for this dangerous domestic terror leader, apparently nothing will be enough to cause it to act.
At a time when the FBI has arrested, per ABC News, more than 465 insurrectionists since January 6, it increasingly seems like the reason Alexander is being permitted to remain at large—possibly, as he does so, destroying evidence, synchronizing his story with other suspects, and manufacturing new alibis or fraudulent exculpatory evidence—is because of who any interrogation of him might implicate, not despite it. And that is the scariest possibility of all, as with the recent defeat of the January 6 Commission bill, the FBI may now be America’s only hope for getting justice not just for the insurrection’s foot soldiers but the powerful men and women who commanded them.
January 6 HSGAC Rules Report, pp. 30, 47 (June 8, 2021).